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fantomas:
Excuse me, MIB, but once again, an anti-Democratic Party and conservative bias is showing through in your comments.
I admit that at times there appears to be this bias, but it runs both ways. I didn't like it when Republicans played games with judicial nominees, I don't like it now. I can't emphasize the past because it's just that, the past. I'm focusing on the here and now.
If Bill Pryor is as discriminatory as you say he is, then let the Senate debate this on the floor and take a vote. Unlike the Democrats, the Republicans DO have members who think for themselves and not tolerate such BS. This is why some Republicans often vote against the party line, to the dismay of many conservatives.
Democrats, on the other hand, show that they are the real intolerant ones, for they vote lock-step with each other, with serious repercussions for those who stray from the party line (exception: retiring GA. Senator Zell Miller, who was persona non grata among the Senate Democrats). If you are a Democrat in the Senate, you either vote as one block or you're dead (figuratively speaking, of course), even if doing so means acting improperly.
This behavior is both stupid and hypocritical. Take what Iowa Senator Tom Harkin has said in the Senate: "I may not agree with everything that Republicans are proposing, but they are in the majority and they ought to have the right to have us vote on the merits of what they propose. But I do not believe that I as a member of the minority ought to have the right to absolutely stop something because I think it is wrong — that is rule by minority."
Yet here he goes and votes to maintain Democratic filibusters of Bush judicial nominations. Then there's the
New York Times: "Once a rarely used tactic reserved for issues on which Senators held passionate convictions, the filibuster has become the tool of the sore loser, dooming any measure that cannot command the 60 required votes." Where it the
Times today on this? Why, they support the Democrats' tactics. But what do you expect from a newspaper that hasn't endorsed a Republican for president in well over 60 years?
Look at Bush's first year nominations. In recent past administrations well over 50 percent of judicial nominees have been confirmed in a new president's first year. In 1989, President George H.W. Bush had 62 percent of his nominees confirmed by the end of his first year. In 1993, President Clinton had 57 percent confirmed. By the beginning of 2002, President Bush has only had 28 percent of his nominees confirmed.
Since the new Senate convened in January, the president has nominated 19 candidates for the courts of appeals. At this moment, twelve of those nominees are being held up by Democratic opposition. Most of the rest are new nominations that haven't yet had time to be blocked. Just two have been confirmed.
by any measure, Democrats have blocked more Bush appeals-court nominees than were blocked by Republicans in even the worst of the Clinton years, when relations between the parties were poisoned by scandal and impeachment.
During the Clinton Administration, some in the GOP were advocating wholesale obstruction. But party leaders rejected the idea. "This is something Republicans could have done during the Clinton administration, but there were a lot of [Republicans] who wouldn't go that far, who for reasons of comity and the sake of the process refused to do it," says one party aide.
And what about the ridiculous behavior of Michigan's Senators? This behavior has even earned the disgust of Michigan's congressional delegation:
Senate Judiciary Committee chairman Orrin Hatch has taken an aggressive new step in an effort to break through the obstruction of six Bush judicial nominees from Michigan.
The nominees--four to the federal courts of appeals and two to the lower federal district courts--are opposed by Michigan Democratic senators Carl Levin and Debbie Stabenow, the two Democrats who returned negative "blue slips" for the nominees, indicating they would not allow the nominations to go forward.
In the past, the opposition of both home-state senators has often been enough to kill nominations, but in a letter to Levin and Stabenow In July, Hatch announced that he will schedule hearings for the nominees despite their opposition.
Levin and Stabenow do not have any specific objections to the Michigan nominees. Instead, they returned the negative "blue slips" because they are angry that President Bush did not give in to their demand to renominate two Clinton appeals-court nominees from Michigan.
Those nominees, Helene White and Kathleen McCree Lewis, were never acted on by the Republican-controlled Senate. (One of them, White, has a personal connection to Levin; she is married to the senator's cousin.)
When Levin and Stabenow made their demands in the first months of George W. Bush's presidency, White House officials tried to consult and negotiate with them. It didn't work, and after a few months, talks reached a dead end.
"Although I understand [Levin's and Stabenow's] desire to have the president renominate two of President Clinton's candidates for the court of appeals...we believe it would be unfair to expect the president to do so," White House counsel Alberto Gonzales wrote to Sen. Patrick Leahy, then the chairman of the Judiciary Committee, in August 2001.
"To my knowledge," Gonzales continued, "before President Bush renominated Roger Gregory to the Fourth Circuit, no president had ever nominated to a court of appeals an individual previously nominated to the court of appeals by his predecessor from a different party. For any senator to insist that this extraordinary and historic act be repeated is simply not fair. Appointments to the federal courts of appeals are uniquely matters of presidential prerogative."
In his Friday letter to Hatch and Stabenow, Hatch recounted the White House's efforts to consult with the senators about the Michigan nominations. "While I have worked to ensure that all nominees are given their due consideration before the Senate, I have also defended senatorial power via the mechanism of the blue slip," Hatch wrote. "By tradition, blue slips ensure that each home-state senator is given a chance to express their opinion on nominations, the effect of which is to force the White House to perform adequate consultation. The factual record over the past 26 months amply demonstrates that the White House has in fact engaged in sufficient consultation with you....You have nevertheless returned uniformly negative recommendations."
"It's an important step," says one Republican of Hatch's action. "The Democrats have been intransigent."
In deciding to hold hearings for the nominees, Hatch said he gave serious consideration to a recent letter signed by nine Michigan members of the House of Representatives. Addressing Levin and Stabenow, the nine lawmakers asked that the senators drop their opposition to nominees from their home state.
"Keeping Michiganders off the bench is a disservice" to the state's citizens, the lawmakers wrote.